好，今晚我们将全程讨论奥古斯丁。 Okay, so tonight is all Augustine, all night.
两个小时都是关于圣奥古斯丁的。 Both hours are about St. Augustine.
你可以读他的名字为奥古斯丁或奥古斯丁。 And you can pronounce his name Augustine or Augustine.
对我来说无所谓。 It doesn't matter to me.
在教父学界似乎流行说奥古斯丁，但如果你说圣奥古斯丁，我也没问题。 It seems that it's fashionable in the patristic world to say Augustine, but if you say St. Augustine, that's okay with me.
奥勒留·奥古斯丁。 Aurelius Augustinus.
他生于354年，卒于430年。这就是我们所处的时期。 And he was born in 354 and died in 430. And so that's where we are.
我们处于4世纪下半叶和5世纪初。 We're in the second half of the 4th century and beginning of the 5th century.
他来自北非，也就是现在的阿尔及利亚。 He is from North Africa, which is what is now Algeria.
他出生于一个异教婚姻，母亲是基督徒，父亲是异教徒。 of a mixed marriage, a Christian mother and a pagan father.
他母亲的名字是莫尼卡，请记住她，因为教会称她为圣莫尼卡。 His mother's name is Monica and keep her in mind because she's known to the church as Saint Monica.
他父亲的名字是帕特里修斯。 His father's name is Patricius.
帕特里修斯原本是个异教徒，但最终皈依了基督教。 Patricius was a pagan but eventually converted.
莫尼卡和帕特里修斯给小奥古斯丁提供了四世纪最好的教育。 Monica and Petricius gave little Augie the best education one could get in the fourth century.
他去上了大学，或者说当时相当于大学的学校，地点在北非的大城市迦太基。 And he went to college, or what amounted to college back then, in the great city of Carthage in North Africa.
再次强调，这是北非的主要城市。 Again, this is the main city in North Africa.
从历史角度来看，它是西方第二重要的城市。 It's the second most important city, historically anyway, in the West.
奥古斯丁很难接受他母亲的信仰基督教，因为他读了拉丁文圣经，认为它很粗糙。 Augustine had a difficult time accepting his mother's faith, Christianity, because he read the Latin Bible and thought that it was crude.
请记住，在当时拉丁文圣经的概念还相当新。 Now remember, the concept of a Latin Bible is still pretty new at this point.
对于从希腊文翻译成拉丁文的圣经，奥古斯丁有 些傲慢，觉得这不是一个很精致的拉丁文译本。 And so the Latin translation from Greek into Latin, Augustine was kind of snooty about that and felt it wasn't a very polished Latin translation.
像古代许多具有哲学思维的人一样，他将形式与内容联系在一起。 And like many sort of philosophically minded people in the ancient world, he associated form with content.
他将文体的价值与意义的价值等同，因此他觉得基督教不值得他花时间。 the value of the style with the value of the meaning, and so he felt like Christianity wasn't really worth his time.
在他生命的这个阶段，奥古斯丁开始了一段长期关系，这个女人在他的 自传中始终未被提及姓名，但她对他和他的生活产生了持久的影响。 Towards this part of his life, Augustine began a long-term relationship with a woman who remains unnamed throughout his autobiography, but she had a lasting effect on him and on his life.
他们有了一个儿子。 They had a son.
这个儿子的名字是阿德奥达图斯。 The son's name is Adeodatus.
阿德奥达图斯的意思是「神的礼物」，虽然在他 生命的这个阶段，我们不清楚他指的是哪位神。 A day of gotchas, which means gift from God, though it's not clear which God we're talking about at this point in his life.
奥古斯丁最终加入了一个叫做摩尼教的团体。 Augustine eventually joined a group called the Manichees.
我需要告诉你一些关于摩尼教的事。 And I need to tell you a little bit about the Manichees.
摩尼教是三四世纪诺斯替主义的演变。 The Manichees are the third and fourth century evolution of Gnosticism.
他们是二元论者，也是混合主义者。 They're dualistic, they're syncretistic.
这个教派是由一个叫摩尼的人创立的，他来自波斯。 The cult was started by a guy named Mani, who was from Persia.
他的生卒年是216-277年。这很重要，因为奥古斯丁会尽力 接受这个作为他的宗教，而摩尼教是诺斯替主义的进一步混合。 His dates are 216-277. Now this is important because Augustine will make every attempt to accept this as his religion, and Manichaeism is A further syncretism of Gnosticism.
摩尼的父母是诺斯替教徒，但他们的诺斯替主义对他来说还不够，所 以他在此基础上又增添了更多内容，最终去了印度学习佛教，还加入 了波斯或琐罗亚斯德教的占星术，这要归功于波斯的祭司，对吧？ So, Mani himself had Gnostic parents, but their Gnosticism wasn't enough for him, so he added even more to it, eventually going to India and studying Buddhism, and adding also Persian or Zoroastrian astrology, thanks to the Magi, right?
还有基督教、犹太教和其他宗教的元素。 and elements of Christianity, Judaism, and other things.
据说，当他回到波斯后，他使波斯国王和朝廷皈依了他的教派。 When he returned to Persia, according to the story, he converted the Persian king and court.
但最终，当国王去世后，根据不同版本的故事，他要么被祭司们驱逐出 波斯，然后四处游历，自称是圣灵的声音，要么在国王死后被处决。 But eventually, when the king died, depending on the version of the story, he was either driven out of Persia by the Magi, and then traveled around claiming to be the voice of the Holy Spirit, or other accounts say that after the king died, he was executed.
所以他的确切结局并不清楚。 So it's not clear exactly what happens to him.
但他发起的运动成为了古代世界的一种类似共济会的组织。 But the movement he started became kind of the Masonic lodge of the ancient world.
这是一个受贵族青睐的地下教派，他们把它当作一种兄弟会。 It was an underground cult favored by aristocrats, who treated it kind of like a fraternity.
现在请记住，我们正进入狄奥多西时期，他将基督教定为唯一合法 宗教，并取缔其他宗教，因此摩尼教将成为被取缔的宗教之一。 Now remember, we're moving into the time period now of Theodosius, when he would make Christianity the only legal religion, and he would outlaw other religions, and so Manichaeism will be one of those outlawed religions.
但摩尼教与早期诺斯替主义的区别在于，早期诺斯替主义在任何方面都不是联系性的。 But the difference between the Manichaeans and earlier Gnosticism Early Gnosticism was not connectional in any way.
它是一群互不相连的教派，每个教派都有自己的教师，没有真正的统一性。 It was a disconnected group of sects, each having its own teacher, with no real unity.
但摩尼教是联系性的。 But Manichaeism was connectional.
它几乎就像你所想象的一个教派，有组织、等级制度和结构。 It was almost like you think of a denomination in the sense that they had an organization, a hierarchy, a structure.
他们有组织的聚会，包括礼仪和赞美诗。 They had organized meetings with liturgies and hymns.
他们有经文，这些经文是摩尼和他的门徒们的著作。 They had scriptures, which were the writings of Manny and his disciples.
他们还有秘密聚会，这让许多人认为他们在进行巫术或其他 禁忌仪式，这其实有点类似于罗马人早期对基督徒的看法。 And they had their secret meetings, which led many to believe that they were practicing magic or other sort of taboo rituals, which is actually kind of similar to the way the Romans saw the Christians in the early days.
只要你在关起门来开会，人们就会开始假设你一定在做些可怕的事。 Anytime you have a meeting behind closed doors, they start to assume you must be doing something terrible.
摩尼教吸引奥古斯丁的地方在于，他们声称能回答你所有的问题。 The thing that was attractive to Augustine about the Manichaeans is that they claimed to be able to answer all your questions.
他们声称能解释宇宙。 They claimed to be able to explain the universe.
他们声称他们的成员掌握了所有这些答案。 And they claimed that their members had all of these answers.
但是，你知道，就像诺斯替主义或任何现代版本的诺斯替主义一样 ，这不是一个会先告诉你信什么，然后让你决定是否加入的宗教。 But, you know, like Gnosticism, or like any of the modern versions of Gnosticism, this is not a religion where they'll tell you what you believe first and then give you a chance to decide whether you want to join or not.
这是一个邪教，你必须先决定加入，然后他们才会告诉你该信什么。 This is a cult where you first have to decide to join and then they'll tell you what to believe.
但即使你加入后，这个教派内部还有一个等级制度。 But then even once you join, There is a caste system within the cult.
有不同级别的成员资格，主要是两个级别。 There are levels of membership, primarily two levels of membership.
有一个级别叫做「选民」。 There is a level called the elect.
他们是独身的精英。 They were a celibate elite.
他们是苦行者，是素食主义者，也是掌握答案的人。 They were ascetics, they were vegetarians, and they were the ones who had the answers.
较低级别的成员被简单地称为「听众」，有点类似于教会 中的慕道者，但在摩尼教中，一个人可能永远都是听众。 The lower level of membership was simply called a hearer, kind of analogous to someone in the catechumenate in the church, but a person could remain a hearer forever within the manichees.
事实证明，摩尼教派中的大多数成员都是听众，他们就 像是平信徒，而选民则像是神职人员，听众支持选民。 So, as it turns out, most of the members in the Manichean sect were hearers and it was sort of like they were the lay people and the elect were the clergy with the hearers supporting the elect.
所以奥古斯丁成为了一名听众。 So Augustine became a hearer.
他从未成为选民之一，所以最终对这个教派感到幻灭 ，因为他们从未真正回答他关于宇宙的所有问题。 He was never one of the elect and so he was eventually disillusioned with the sect because they never really did answer all his questions about the universe.
他们不断地搪塞他，期望他等待其他教师，最终他完全幻灭并离开 了这个团体，尽管在这个时候他并没有真正切断与摩尼教的联系。 And they kept putting him off and putting him off and kept expecting him to wait for other teachers and eventually he was just completely disillusioned and left the group, although at this point didn't really sever his ties with the Manatees.
但他尝试了各种形式的哲学，最终得出了一个重要的结论。 But he tried various forms of philosophy and eventually came to an important conclusion.
他意识到自己一直在做的是试图寻找答案，试图获得知识。 He realized that what he'd been doing was trying to find answers, trying to get knowledge.
然后他认为，如果他能拥有知识，那么他就会有可以相信的东西。 And then he thought if he could just have the knowledge, then he'd have something to believe in.
好像先获得知识，然后从那知识中获得信心。 As if first you get knowledge and then you get faith from that knowledge.
他意识到事情并不是这样运作的。 And he realized it doesn't work that way.
因为如果你等到拥有所有答案，你就永远不会有任何可以相信的东西。 Because if you wait until you have all the answers, you'll never have anything to believe in.
所以他意识到实际上是相反的。 And so he realized it's actually the opposite.
不是先获得知识然后相信它。 It's not that you get knowledge first and then believe in it.
不是知识导致信仰，而是相反。 It's not that knowledge leads to belief, but it's the other way around.
首先你选择相信某事，然后你学习它，你的知识就会增加。 First you believe in something, because you choose to, and then you learn about it, and your knowledge increases.
所以信仰导致知识。 So belief leads to knowledge.
奥古斯丁搬到了罗马，在那里成为了一名修辞学教师。 Well, Augustine moved to Rome, where he became a teacher of rhetoric.
他很快就发现为什么现在我们让学生提前支付学费，因为那时候，显然他们还没有想到这 一点，你可以上完整个课程，期望学生在最后一天付费，然后猜猜最后一天发生了什么？ He found out very quickly why now we make students pay the tuition ahead of time, because back then, apparently they hadn't figured that out yet, and you could conduct a whole class and expect students to pay on the last day of class, and then guess what happened on the last day of class?
他们没有出现。 They didn't show up.
所以奥古斯丁对此也感到幻灭。 So Augustine became disillusioned with that as well.
他离开了罗马，但他与摩尼教仍有足够的联系。 And he left Rome, and he still had enough connection with the Manichaeans.
他们帮助他在米兰获得了修辞学教授的职位。 They helped him get the position of professor of rhetoric in Milan.
现在你知道米兰是新兴的大城市，对吧？ Now you know Milan is the new up-and-coming big city, right?
因为它在欧洲的位置更加中心。 Because it's more centrally located in Europe.
所以米兰是一个重要的城市。 So Milan is an important city.
奥古斯丁于385年抵达米兰。当他到达那里时， 米兰的主教是一位重要的主教，名叫安布罗修。 And Augustine arrived in Milan in the year 385. And when he got there, the bishop of Milan was an important bishop known as Ambrose.
我要把他放在这里。 I'm going to put him over here.
安布罗修。 Ambrose.
米兰的安布罗修。 Ambrose of Milan.
事实上，据说当奥古斯丁旅行时，当他离开北非去罗马时，他的母 亲跟随他，一路为他祈祷，为他的皈依祈祷，为他的灵魂祈祷。 In fact, according to the story, when Augustine traveled, when he left North Africa and went to Rome, his mother went with him, followed him, praying for him all the way, for his conversion, praying for his soul.
当他离开罗马去米兰时，她再次跟随他到了米兰。 When he left Rome and went to Milan, again, she followed him to Milan.
据说当她到达米兰时，她与安布罗修主教会面，并向主教抱怨说：「主教， 当我们在北非时，他们以一种方式举行圣餐，然后在罗马，他们又用另一种 方式，现在在米兰，你们又用另一种方式，我不知道哪种方式是对的。」 And the story is that when she got to Milan, she had an audience with Bishop Ambrose, and she complained to the bishop, you know, Bishop, when we're in North Africa, they do the Eucharist one way, and then in Rome, they do it another way, and now here in Milan, you do it yet another way, and I don't know which way is right.
根据传统，安布罗修的回答是：「入乡随俗。」 And according to the tradition, Ambrose's answer was, when in Rome, do as the Romans do.
现在，我不知道这个故事是否是伪经，但重点是他说的是礼仪 不一定要在每个地方都完全相同，这里有一些多样性的空间。 Now, whether or not that story is apocryphal, I don't know, but the point is that What he's saying is that it's not necessarily the case that liturgy has to be exactly the same from place to place, that there is room for some diversity there.
我想告诉你关于安布罗修的事，因为他是一个重要人物。 I want to tell you about Ambrose because he's an important figure.
安布罗修从374年到397年担任米兰主教。从374年 到397年，那是他担任主教的时期，不是他的整个人生。 Ambrose was Bishop of Milan from 374 to 397. From 374 to 397, that's when he was Bishop, that's not his whole life.
现在，你可能记得，当我们讨论亚略主义争议时 ，我说过亚略主义在东方会议之后并没有消失。 Now, you may remember, when we were talking about the Arian controversy, I said that Arianism doesn't go away after the Eastern Councils.
事实上，它移向了西方，因为蛮族部落被亚略派主教传教，所以亚略主义向西移动。 In fact, it moves to the West, because the Barbarian tribes were missionized by Arian bishops, and so Arianism moves West.
事实上，亚略主义在西方世界的一些地区流行起来， 而且安布罗修的前任米兰主教就是一个亚略派信徒。 And in fact, Arianism had Caught on in some areas of the Western world, and in fact, Ambrose's predecessor as Bishop of Milan was an Arian.
当他去世时，米兰城因为谁可能成为下一任主教而发生了巨大的骚动。 And when he died, there was a great disturbance in the city of Milan over who might be the next bishop.
因为大多数人想要一个支持尼西亚信经的正统主教，而不是亚略派主教。 Because most of the people wanted a pro-Nicene, an Orthodox bishop, not an Arian bishop.
事实上，一群暴民威胁要因为谁将成为下一任米兰主教的选择而发动骚乱。 And in fact, A mob was threatening to riot over the choice of who would be the next Bishop of Milan.
所以根据这个故事，总督骑马进城了。 So according to the story, the governor rode in on horseback.
这位总督就是安布罗修。 Now the governor was Ambrose.
他不是神职人员。 He was not clergy.
他是一个政治家。 He was a politician.
但他是一个出色的演说家。 But he was an excellent speaker.
所以当安布罗修骑马进城，驱散人群并试图阻止骚乱时，这里有 一个人被认为是支持尼西亚公会议并反对亚略主义的优秀人物。 And so when Ambrose rode in, To disperse the crowd and try to prevent the riot, here was a man who was known to be an excellent To support the Council of Nicaea and to be against Arianism.
所以他被选中了，尽管他甚至还没有被任命为神父，他被选为下一任主教。 And so he was chosen, even though he wasn't even ordained a priest, he was chosen to be the next bishop.
据说，当他骑马进城，人群安静下来时，听到一个孩子的声音说：「安布罗修，主教。」 And according to the story, when he rode in and the crowd was quieted, a child's voice was heard saying, Ambrose, bishop.
再次说明，这个故事可能是伪经，但要注意那个「从婴孩口中发出声音」的主题，对吧？ Now again, the story may be apocryphal, but watch for that theme of the voice of a child from the mouth of babes, right?
所以，安布罗修通过某种公众欢呼成为了主教，他非常受欢迎。 So, Ambrose had become the bishop out of sort of public acclamation, and he was very popular.
所以当奥古斯丁在385年到达米兰时，作为新的修辞学教授，他 当然要去听主教讲道，因为主教有着周围最好的演说家的声誉。 And so when Augustine arrives in Milan in 385, of course, he's the new professor of rhetoric, he's got to go hear the bishop, He had the reputation of being the best speaker around.
所以他去听安布罗修讲道，听他的演讲风格。 And so he went to hear Ambrose to hear his speaking style.
但他又回来听讲道的内容。 But he came back for the content of the sermon that he was hearing.
他非常喜欢安布罗修的一点是，安布罗修以寓言或非字面的方式解释圣经。 And one of the things that he liked so much about Ambrose was that Ambrose interpreted the scriptures allegorically, or non-literally.
我在这里特别指的是旧约。 And I'm speaking specifically or especially about the Old Testament here.
但奥古斯丁真的感到被旧约的寓言解释所释放。 But Augustine really felt freed by the allegorical interpretation of the Old Testament.
这使他能够考虑基督教并认真对待它。 And it allowed him to consider Christianity and take it seriously.
大约在同一时期，奥古斯丁结束了与那个女人的关系， 从各方面来说，她在这时候实际上是他的事实妻子。 Now about the same time, Augustine broke off his relationship with the woman who is, for all intents and purposes, his common-law wife at this point.
但他结束了与她的关系，因为他实际上无法与她结婚。 But he broke off his relationship with her because he was really not able to marry her.
他们不属于同一社会阶层，所以他觉得需要娶一个与他社会 地位相当的妻子，以支持他在米兰担任修辞学教授的角色。 They were not of the same social class, and so he felt he needed to take a wife of his own social standing in order to support him in his role as the professor of rhetoric in Milan.
他与一个年轻女孩订婚了。 He became engaged to a young girl.
当我说年轻时，我指的是大约12岁。现在，女孩在12岁时 可以订婚，但即使是罗马人也知道不应与12岁的女孩完婚。 And when I say young, I mean like 12. Now, girls could be engaged at the age of 12, but even the Romans knew he didn't consummate a marriage with a 12-year-old girl.
所以，想法是她是他的未婚妻，但他们会等到她16岁或其他适当年龄才结婚。 So, the idea is that she was his fiancée, but they would wait until she was 16 or whatever to be married.
然而，奥古斯丁发现他无法等待，所以他最终又找了一个情妇，并且从未与那个女孩结婚。 What Augustine found out, though, was that he couldn't wait, and so he ended up taking another mistress, and he never married the girl.
但这真的让他对自己以及自己控制性欲的能力感到非常失望。 But this really led to a great disappointment in himself and in his own ability to exercise self-control with his sexuality.
我们稍后会回到这个话题，因为在386年，奥古斯丁皈依了基督教。 So we will come back to that, because this is going to In the year 386, Augustine was converted to Christianity.
这也记录在他的自传中。 This is recorded in his autobiography as well.
根据他自己的叙述，他当时在一个花园里。 According to his own account, he was in a garden.
长凳上放着一本圣经。 On the bench is a copy of the scriptures.
周围没有人，但他听到了一个孩子的声音。 There was no one around, but he heard the voice of a child.
他听到那个声音说：「拿起来读。」 He heard the voice say, take it and read.
他拿起圣经，读了打开的地方。 He picked up the scriptures and read where it opened.
他读了保罗致罗马人书信中的一段，被它深深打动，并决心成为基督徒并接受洗礼。 Read a passage from Paul's letter to the Romans, and was convicted by it, and made a commitment to be a Christian and to get baptized.
在他和他的儿子阿德奥达图斯受洗后，他决定回到北非。 After he and his son, Deodatus, were baptized, he decided to go back to North Africa.
所以他和他的随行人员，包括他的母亲，离开了米兰，去了罗马，当他们在等 待从罗马到北非的船时，他们在奥斯提亚港口城市，莫尼卡就在那里去世了。 So he and his entourage, including his mother, left Milan, went to Rome, and while they were waiting for the ship that would take them to North Africa from Rome, they were in the port city of Ostia, And that's where Monica passed away.
如果你在他的自传中读到这段，你会读到的，因为我重新安排了它 ，这是一个非常感人的描述，讲述了她生命末期的情况，基本上是 说，你知道，我可以安心地死去了，因为我的祈祷得到了回应。 And if you read it in his autobiography, well, you will read it because I resigned it, it's a very touching account of her at the end of her life and basically saying, you know, I can die happy because my prayers have been answered.
我的儿子已经成为了基督徒。 My son has become a Christian.
事实上，今天莫尼卡被称为为迷途儿子祈祷的母亲的守护圣人。 And in fact, Monica today is known as the patron saint of mothers who pray for their wayward sons.
奥古斯丁和他的朋友们确实回到了北非，打算建立一个修道院社区。 Augustine and his friends did go back to North Africa and intended to form a monastic community.
他们去了希波城，希波雷吉乌斯。 They went to the city of Hippo, Hippo Regis.
这就是为什么奥古斯丁经常被称为希波的奥古斯丁。 This is why Augustine is often known as Augustine of Hippo.
实际上，那里只有一个G。 Actually, there's only one G there.
忽略第二个G。希波的奥古斯丁。 Ignore that second G. Augustine of Hippo.
正如我所说，通常当某人被称为某地的人时，这意味着他们是那个地方的主教，对吧？ And as I said, usually when it's somebody of some place, that means they're the bishop of that place, right?
那么接下来会发生什么？ So what's going to happen?
他将成为主教。 He's going to become the bishop.
当他第一次到达希波时，那里已经有一位主教了。 When he first gets to Hippo, there is a bishop in place there.
虽然他似乎只想成为一名修士，过着独居、祈祷和研究圣经的生活。 And though he seems to want to simply be a monk And live a life of solitude and prayer and studying the scriptures.
他最终被任命为神父。 He was eventually ordained a priest.
据说，当他被任命为神父时，他哭了。 And according to the story, he cried when he was ordained a priest.
有些人说这是因为他真的只想成为一名修士。 And some people say it was because he really just wanted to be a monk.
他不想成为神父。 He didn't want to be a priest.
其他人说他哭是因为他真的想成为主教，但还没有成为主教。 Others said he cried because he really wanted to be the bishop and he wasn't getting to be the bishop yet.
但最终，你看到事情的发展，他确实成为了主教。 But eventually, eventually you see where this is going, he did become the bishop.
不过，我没有提到的是，当前任主教去世，奥古斯 丁成为希波主教时，他并不是城里唯一的主教。 What I didn't mention, though, is that when the previous bishop dies and Augustine becomes the bishop of Hippo, he's not the only bishop in town.
还有另一位主教，他是北非另一个基督教团体的领袖，被称为多纳徒派。 There is another bishop who is the leader of another Christian community in North Africa known as the Donatists.
我稍后会告诉你关于他们的事，但我们现在先把这个话题放在一边。 And I'm going to tell you about them in a few minutes, but we're going to have to put that aside just for a moment.
但我们稍后会回到这个话题。 But we'll get back to that.
大约在4世纪末，397年左右，奥古斯丁写了他的自传，名为《忏悔录》。 Right about the end of the 4th century, around 397 or so, Augustine wrote his autobiography called The Confessions.
它在5世纪初，400-401年间出版，这真的是古代世界第一部诚实的自传。 It was published right at the turn of the 5th century, 400-401, and it is really the first honest autobiography from the ancient world.
事实上，古代世界的所有其他自传和传记实际上都是一种圣 徒传记，或者是关于圣人的著作，或者是为了美化主角。 In fact, all other autobiographies and biographies in the ancient world are really a form of hagiography, or writings about a saint, or meant to glorify the main character.
但奥古斯丁的忏悔并不是为了美化他自己。 But Augustine's confessions are not meant to glorify him.
正如书名所示，它们是为了忏悔他的过失和缺点。 They're meant to confess, as the title suggests, his failings, his shortcomings.
我特别要告诉你一件事，你会读到的，我称之为「梨子事件」。 One in particular I'll tell you about, and you'll read it, It's what I refer to as the pear incident.
有一个故事讲述他年轻时和一些朋友外出，他们来到一个梨园。 There's a story of him when he is a young man, and he's out with some friends, and they come upon a pear orchard.
显然不是他的梨子，是别人的，但他们偷了梨子。 Not his pears, obviously someone else's, but they steal the pears.
然后他说，你知道，我们并不饿，我们不需要梨子，我们没有 吃它们，他们把梨子扔给了一些猪或其他什么，浪费了梨子。 And then he says, you know, we weren't hungry, we didn't need the pears, we didn't eat them, they threw them at some pigs or whatever, and wasted the pears.
回想起这件事，奥古斯丁意识到了几件事。 Augustine realized a couple of things in thinking back on this.
他说，如果我是一个人，我就不会做这种事。 He says, if I was alone, I would not have done this thing.
所以他意识到了我们所说的同伴压力的力量。 So he realized the power of what we call peer pressure.
群体心理的力量，随大流的社会压力。 The power of the mob mentality, the social pressure to go along with the group.
他意识到这种力量有多强大，以及它如何战胜个人的意志力。 And he realized how strong that is and how it overcomes the individual willpower.
他意识到的另一件事是，人类真的是唯一能够进行无意义破坏的动物。 The other thing he realized Human beings are really the only animals capable of pointless destruction.
他们偷了这些梨子，浪费了梨子，还有什么其他动物会这样做？ Here they are, they stole these pears, they wasted the pears, what other animal does that?
所以人类具有这种破坏性的能力，这在神所有的造物中似乎是独一无二的。 So human beings have this capability that's on a level of destructiveness that seems to be unique among all of God's creatures.
当你把这些事情结合起来，它使奥古斯丁对人类向完美进步的 任何观念，甚至人类意志选择做正确事情的能力都非常怀疑。 When you combine these things, it makes Augustine really very skeptical about any notions of human progress toward perfection, or even the ability for the human will to choose to do the right thing.
最终，他开始相信人类的完美根本是不可能的。 And eventually he came to believe that perfection in the human being is simply not possible.
习惯、社会压力，这些东西太强大了。 Habits, social pressure, these things are just too strong.
这意味着他越不信任自己，相信我，他仍然有足够的自尊和 自信相信，你知道吗，如果我做不到，没人能做到，对吧？ What that means is that the less he trusts himself, and believe me, he's still got enough of a self-esteem, self-confidence to believe that, you know what, if I can't do it, nobody can, right?
他知道自己有多聪明。 He gets how smart he is.
他知道这一点。 He knows that.
我认为，他相信自己某种程度上是人性的试验案例。 And he believes that he's sort of the test case for humanity, I think.
所以，你知道，如果我做不到，没人能做到，对吧？ So, you know, if I can't do it, nobody can, right?
所以他认为，好吧，如果我们人类不能相信自己，那就只剩下一个可以信任的，那就是神。 And so he thinks, okay, if we humans can't trust ourselves, That leaves only one who can be trusted, and that's God.
因此，他越不信任自己，就越把所有重点放在神身上 ，放在神的恩典上，放在神的主权、护理或拣选上。 And so the less he trusts himself, the more he puts all the emphasis on God, and on God's grace, and on God's, what we might call sovereignty, or providence, or election.
我稍后会回到这个话题，但请记住这一点。 I'll come back to that, but keep that in mind.
这部分是基于他自己对自身失望的个人经历，以及他拥有意志力的能力。 This is in part based on his own personal experience with his own disappointments in himself and his ability to have willpower.
他意识到，皈依并不一定意味着自动成圣。 What he realizes is that conversion does not mean, necessarily, automatic sanctification.
皈依不是到达某个地方，某个完美的地方。 Conversion is not the arrival of some place, of some place of perfection.
皈依只是一段旅程的开始。 Conversion is simply the beginning of a journey.
皈依并不意味着你不会再犯罪，而只是意味着你已经为自己设 定了一条道路，或者更准确地说，神为你设定了一条道路。 Conversion doesn't mean you won't sin anymore, but it just means you've set yourself on a path, or more precisely, God has set you on a path.
他在《忏悔录》中对神说，我在这里意译一下，他 说：「我的心不安，直到在你里面找到安息。」 And he says in the Confessions, speaking to God, I'm paraphrasing here, but he says, My heart is restless until it finds its rest in you.
他说，总是在旅途中，总是在过程中。 He said, always on the journey, always in process.
好的，让我告诉你奥古斯丁几部最重要的著作。 Alright, so let me tell you about a couple of Augustine's most important writings.
你将会读到一些内容，我在这里还要告诉你一些其他的事情。 You're going to read some things, and I'm going to tell you about some other things here.
他最重要的神学著作之一是《论三位一体》，你可能还记得。 One of his most important theological writings is called On the Trinity, which you may remember.
我们有一份诺瓦提安的文献也叫《论三位一体》。 We have a document from Novation called On the Trinity.
这是一个很受欢迎的标题。 It's kind of a popular title.
事实上，奥古斯丁所做的是将诺瓦提安的思想提升到了一个新的水平。 In fact, what Augustine does is he takes Novation to the next level.
我告诉过你诺瓦提安将特土良的思想提升到了一个新的水平。 I told you Novation takes Tertullian to the next level.
奥古斯丁又将诺瓦提安的思想提升到了一个新的水平。 Augustine takes Novation to the next level.
这真的将神学和基督论带到了一个顶峰。 It really brings the theology and Christology to kind of a pinnacle.
所以，你需要记住的是，奥古斯丁是安布罗修的门徒。 So, the thing you need to remember is that Augustine is a disciple of Ambrose.
安布罗修反对亚略主义，所以奥古斯丁也反对亚略主义。 Ambrose was anti-Arian, so Augustine is anti-Arian.
在《论三位一体》这篇文献中，他以一种驳斥亚略主义的方式谈论神的三位一体。 And in the document on the Trinity, he talks about God as Trinity in a way so as to refute Arianism.
他谈到圣灵的双重发出，即圣灵是从圣父和圣子发出的。这是他 在这一点上的贡献，这将进入西方神学，当然也进入西方信经。 He talks about the double procession of the Spirit, that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son . And so this is his contribution at this point, and this is going to make its way into Western theology and of course into the Western creed.
最终当东方人得知这一点时，对他们来说这听起来像是形态论， 像是撒伯流主义，但实际上这是奥古斯丁对抗亚略主义的保障。 Eventually when the Easterners get wind of this, it's going to sound like modalism, Sibelius to them, but in fact it's Augustine's safeguard against Arianism.
奥古斯丁在谈论神和神的单一性时，比之前的任何神学家都走得更远。 Augustine also goes farther than any of the previous theologians in talking about God and divine simplicity.
记住，我们谈到神的单一性时说神没有部分。 Remember, we talked about divine simplicity as God doesn't have parts.
神没有可以从神或神自身分离的东西。 God doesn't have things that you can separate from God or God's self.
所以奥古斯丁实际上说，即使是神的属性，如无所不在、无所 不知，这些都不是神所拥有的属性，因为神不拥有任何东西。 And so Augustine actually says, even in terms of the attributes of God, like omnipresence, omniscience, These are not attributes that God has, because God doesn't have anything.
神就是存在。 God simply is.
因为如果神真的是单一的，你就不能把神是什么和神有什么分开。 Because if God is truly simplex, you cannot separate what God is from what God has.
所以对奥古斯丁来说，神不拥有任何东西。 So for Augustine, God doesn't have anything.
神就是神所是的。 God simply is what God is.
他为三位一体提出了一些有趣的类比。 And he comes up with some interesting analogies for the Trinity.
他承认这些类比并不完美，有其缺点，但他使用的一 个类比是将三位一体比作个人的记忆、智力和意志。 Where he admits that they're not perfect, that these analogies have their drawbacks, but one of the analogies that he uses is a personal analogy of the Trinity as related to what the person has in terms of memory, intellect, and will.
所以是三个方面：记忆、智力和意志。 So sort of three aspects Memory, intellect, and will.
你知道，他再次承认这不是一个完美的类比。 And, you know, again, he admits that it's not a perfect analogy.
他还使用了另一个类比。 And there's another one he uses.
三位一体的另一个类比是爱者、被爱者和爱。 Another analogy for the Trinity is the analogy of the lover, the beloved, and the love.
所以，他说，想象圣父是爱者，圣子是被爱者。 So, what he says is, imagine the Father as the lover, and the Son as the beloved.
你知道，「这是我的爱子，我所喜悦的」，对吧？ You know, this is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased, right?
而圣灵是将他们联结在一起的爱。 And the Holy Spirit as the love which binds them.
然而，这个类比的问题是，它似乎将圣灵降低为不完全的位格，因为如果我们将圣灵描述 为联结圣父和圣子的爱，那么圣灵似乎更像是神性的实质，而不是一个独特的神圣位格。 Now, the problem with this analogy, though, is that it seems to reduce the Holy Spirit to something less than full personhood, because if we describe the Holy Spirit as the love that binds the Father and Son, then the Holy Spirit seems to become something more like the substance of divinity rather than a distinct divine person.
所以，这些类比并不完美，但你可以看到奥古斯丁如何尝试使用类比。 And so, these analogies aren't great, but you can see how Augustine experimented with analogies.
在《论三位一体》的结尾，他说研究就是理解我们所信的。 At the end of On the Trinity, he says that to study is to understand what we believe.
研究就是理解我们所信的。 To study is to understand what we believe.
换句话说，你必须先相信，然后才能研究它。 In other words, you have to believe first, and then you can study it.
然后你才能学会理解它。 Then you can learn to understand it.
这是他在对摩尼教失望后学到的教训。 This is the lesson he learned after his disappointment with the Manichaeans.
你不是先理解某事然后说，太好了，现在我理解了，我要相信它。 You don't understand something first and say, great, now that I understand this, I'm going to believe in it.
不，你先相信某事，然后学习理解它，但当然你永远不会完全理解它。 No, first you believe in something, and then you learn to understand it, but of course you'll never understand it completely.
在410年，发生了西方世界没人认为会发生的事。 In year 410, something happened that no one In the Western world thought could happen.
有人记得410年发生了什么吗？罗马城被哥特人洗劫了。 Anyone remember what happened in the year 410? The city of Rome was sacked by the Goths.
他们穿着黑衣服，留着蓝色指甲，身上有纹身和穿孔。 They came in with their black clothes and their blue fingernails and their tattoos and their body piercings.
不，不是那些哥特人。 No, not those gods.
是真正的5世纪蛮族哥特人。 The actual 5th century barbarian gods.
罗马城陷落于入侵的蛮族之手。 The city of Rome fell to invading barbarians.
如果允许这样类比的话，这就是他们的「9·11」。这是他们认为永远不会发生的事。 Now this was, if you'll allow the analogy, their 9-11. This was the thing they thought could never happen.
这是他们认为神，或者某个神，永远不会允许罗马城陷落的事。 This was the thing they thought God, or a god, would never allow the city of Rome to fall.
尽管这是在狄奥多西和他的法令之后，你知道，使基督教成为唯一合法宗教并取缔 其他宗教，尽管是在那之后，帝国里仍然有足够多的异教徒说，嗯哼，看到了吗？ Even though this is now after Theodosius and his edict and, you know, making Christianity the only legal religion and the outlawing of other religions, even though this is after that, there's still enough pagans around in the empire to say, uh-huh, see?
看看你们做了什么？ See what you did?
换句话说，他们把责任归咎于教会。 In other words, they blamed it on the church.
因此，基督教被指责为罗马陷落的原因，好像是说因为 我们抛弃了旧神，他们撤走了保护，城市就陷落了。 And so Christianity was blamed for the fall of Rome, as if to say that because We abandoned the old gods, they removed their protection, and the city fell.
奥古斯丁写了两篇文献，基本上是他对这种指责的回应。 And Augustine wrote two documents that are basically his response to that accusation.
最重要的当然是《上帝之城》。 The big one is, of course, the City of God.
《上帝之城》写作时间跨度在413年到427年之间。另一 本是《信、望、爱手册》，也被称为《信、望、爱小册子》。 The City of God was written over a span of time between 413 and 427. And the other is the Handbook on Faith, Hope, and Love, which is also called the Enchiridion on Faith, Hope, and Love.
基本上，奥古斯丁对基督教导致罗马陷落这一指责的回应是这样的。 And basically, Augustine's response to this accusation that Christianity caused the fall of Rome goes like this.
罗马并不是真正的永恒之城。 Rome is not really the eternal city.
事实上，有两座城市。 In fact, there are two cities.
你可以属于人的城市，可以成为人的城市的公民，或者你 可以成为真正永恒之城的公民，神的城市，神的国度。 You can belong to the human city, you can be a citizen of the human city, or you can be a citizen of the true eternal city, the city of God, the kingdom of God.
但你不能拥有双重公民身份。 But you can't have dual citizenship.
只能是其中之一。 It's one or the other.
你的公民身份取决于你爱的对象。 And your citizenship depends on the object of your love.
你的爱指向什么？ Toward what is your love oriented?
如果你的爱指向世界的事物，那么你就是人的城市的公民。 If your love is oriented toward the things of the world, then you are a citizen of the human city.
如果你的爱指向神，那么你就是神的城市的公民。 If your love is oriented toward God, then you are a citizen of the city of God.
奥古斯丁说，我们信仰生活的动机应该是爱，而不 是对惩罚的恐惧，甚至不是对天堂奖赏的希望。 Augustine says the motivation for our life of faith should be love, not fear of punishment Or even hope of a reward in heaven.
因为这两者都是自私的动机。 Because both of those are selfish motivations.
动机应该是爱。 The motivation should be love.
但是爱，你的爱，必须指向正确的事物。 But love, your love, has to be oriented toward the right thing.
因为如果你爱任何你可能失去的东西，你就会一直生活在失去它的恐惧中。 Because if you love anything that you can lose, you will always live with the fear of losing it.
或者，如果你还没有得到它，你就会生活在得不到它的恐惧中。 Or, if you don't have it yet, you'll live with the fear of not getting it.
所以，如果你爱世界上的任何东西，那就不是纯粹的 爱，不是完美的爱，因为这是一种带有恐惧的爱。 So, if you love anything of the world, then it's not a pure love, it's not a perfect love because it's a love that has fear.
你有失去所爱或得不到所爱的恐惧。 You have this fear of losing what you love or not getting what you love.
事实上，奥古斯丁暗示所有罪最终都来自恐惧，因为发 生的是，正是恐惧，对失去的恐惧，导致人们犯罪。 In fact, Augustine implies that all sin ultimately comes from fear because what happens is It is fear, the fear of that loss, that causes people to commit sin.
当我们将他人视为对我们拥有或获得所爱之物的威胁 时，我们就试图消除那个威胁，从而对他人犯罪。 When we perceive other people as a threat to us having or getting what we love, then we try to get rid of that threat and we sin against other people.
因为我们所爱的东西变得比人更重要。 Because the thing we love becomes more important than the people.
所以，奥古斯丁说，你真正快乐或没有那种恐惧 的唯一方法，就是爱你不会失去的那一样东西。 So, Augustine says the only way you can truly be happy, or without that fear, is by loving The one thing you cannot lose.
而你唯一不会失去的就是永恒的东西，那就是神。 And the only thing you cannot lose is that which is eternal, and that's God.
但你不会失去神的原因与你无关。 But the reason you can't lose God has nothing to do with you.
因为如果靠我们自己去紧抓神，我们做不到。 Because if it was up to us to hold on to God, we could not.
我们会失去神。 We would lose God.
我们甚至会失去神。 We would even lose God.
但我们不会失去神，因为神以恩典紧抓着我们。 But we can't lose God because God holds on to us by grace.
事实上，在他后期的文献中，奥古斯丁开始相信恩典是不可 抗拒的，如果神想要你，神就会得到你，你对此无能为力。 In fact, by his later documents, Augustine came to believe that grace is irresistible, that if God wants you, God will get you, there's nothing you can do about it.
我喜欢这样想，当你读《忏悔录》时，他的母亲莫尼卡就像是神恩 典的一个写照，因为无论他去哪里，她都跟随他，不断为他祈祷。 And I like to think that when you read the Confessions, his mother, Monica, is kind of a picture of God's grace, because everywhere he goes, she follows him, constantly praying for him.
所以，我认为莫尼卡在《忏悔录》中代表了恩典，在每个转折点都跟随着他。 And so, I think Monica represents grace in the confession, following him at every turn.
但奥古斯丁在这里的观点，神学观点是，当你进一步谈论救恩时，当它成为一种救恩论 时，那些得救的人是通过神的拣选而得救，而不是通过他们自己的自由意志，对吧？ But the point for Augustine here, the theological point is that when you press this to talk about salvation, when it becomes a soteriology, those who are saved are saved by divine election, not by their own free will, right?
因为如果我们能够，如果靠我们自己选择神并坚持下去，紧抓神不放，我们做不到。 Because if we could If it was up to us to choose God and to persevere, to hold on to God, we couldn't do it.
所以任何人坚持下去的唯一方式是因为神紧抓着他们。 So the only way anyone perseveres is because God holds on to them.
因此，这成为了一种拣选的教义，或者我们可能称之为预定论。 And so this becomes a doctrine of election or what we might call predestination.
奥古斯丁相信必须如此，因为人性堕落到已经失去了自由意志。 And Augustine believes it has to be this way because humanity is so fallen that it has lost free will.
注意奥古斯丁在这里做的事。 Notice what Augustine is doing here.
我们将在第二个小时讨论这个。 We're going to talk about this in a second hour.
他正在转变。 He is shifting.
西方世界对人的理解，对人类学的理解，正在远离对自由意志的信念。 The Western world's understanding of the human person, of anthropology, away from a belief in free will.
这与原罪的教义是一致的，但奥古斯丁并没有发明原罪的概念。 Now this is consistent with the doctrine of original sin, but Augustine did not invent the idea of original sin.
但他确实在此基础上进行了发展。 But he does build on it.
他用自己的经历来发展它。 And he builds on it with his own experience.
基于他对人性的悲观看法和人类意志力的无能，所有这些都推 动他形成了一种拣选的教义，因为一切都必须依靠神的恩典。 Based on his own pessimism about human nature and the inability of human willpower, all of this pushes him to a doctrine of election because everything has to rely on the grace of God.
它不能依赖人的意志，因为任何依赖人的意志的东西都会一直生活在不确定的恐惧中。 It can't rely on the human will because anything that relies on the human will will always live with that fear of uncertainty.
这就是他如何回到神的城市的概念，对吧？ This is how he cycles back to the city of God, right?
如果你把信心放在像罗马这样的人类城市上，你会失望的。 If you put your faith in a human city like Rome, you will be disappointed.
唯一能让你获得真正安全感的信仰之地就是神的城市。 The only place to put your faith that leads to any real security is the city of God.
因为就像9·11一样，罗马城的陷落对人们来说代表着什么？ Because just like with 9-11, the fall of the city of Rome, what did that represent to the people?
但是他们对世界的安全感被突然剥夺了。 But the rug being pulled out from under them in terms of their feeling of security in their world.
所以奥古斯丁说，如果你想要安全，如果你想没有那种恐惧 地生活，唯一的方法就是完全把你的信心放在神的恩典上。 And so Augustine says, if you want security, if you want to live without that fear, the only way to do it is to put your faith entirely on the grace of God.
因为如果救恩取决于我们，我们可能会把它扔掉。 Because if salvation is up to us, we can throw it away.
而且如果我们能，我们就会这么做。 And if we can, we will.
所以如果救恩可以失去，没有人能快乐、蒙福，更不用说得救了。 And so no one can be happy, blessed, let alone saved, if salvation can be lost.
因为如果救恩可以失去，我们都会生活在失去它的恐惧中。 Because if salvation can be lost, we would all live with the fear of losing it.
现在我再次想指出他正在做出的转变。 Now again, I want to point out to you the shift he's making.
因为在此之前，早期教会的神学家们都认为救恩是可以失去的。 Because before this, the early church theologians all assumed that salvation could be lost.
这就是关于如何处理受洗后的罪的整个问题，对吧？ This was that whole thing about what do you do with post-baptismal sin, right?
所以他在这里做出了转变。 So he's making a shift here.
我告诉过你，当我们研究爱任纽和特土良这些神学家时，他们代表了一种对哲学的背离。 I told you when we studied the theologians, Irenaeus and Tertullian, that they represent a kind of departure from philosophy.
爱任纽说哲学只会导向诺斯替主义。 Irenaeus saying that philosophy only leads to Gnosticism.
特土良说，雅典与耶路撒冷有什么关系？ Tertullian saying, what does Athens have to do with Jerusalem?
所以这些人代表了对哲学的背离和不信任。 So these guys represent a departure from philosophy and a distrust of philosophy.
奥古斯丁更进一步，基于一种不信任人类的人类学，使哲学背离得更远。 Augustine takes that even further by making the departure from philosophy based on an anthropology, an anthropology that doesn't trust the human being.
所以我们正来到一个失去了古典乐观主义的点，那种乐观主义认为人有自由意志， 美德本身就是目的，并且有一种斯多葛派的观念，认为美德是朝向完美的进步。 And so we are coming to a point where we have lost that classical optimism that said humans have free will, Virtue is an end in itself, and that had a stoic idea that virtue was progress toward perfection.
对奥古斯丁来说，这一切都被抛弃了。 With Augustine, all that is out the window.
如果我们想在这一点上总结奥古斯丁的观点，我们可以从信、望、爱三个方面来做。 If we want to summarize Augustine at this point, we can do it in terms of faith, hope, and love.
他在《信、望、爱手册》中写道，就信而言，信心导向理解，而不是相反。 He writes in the handbook on faith, hope, and love, in terms of faith, faith leads to understanding, not the other way around.
就望而言，完全依赖神的恩典。 In terms of hope, total dependence on God's grace.
如果我们必须依靠自己，我们就没有希望。 If we had to depend on ourselves, we would have no hope.
就爱而言，幸福是指向神的爱，而不是指向世界事物的爱。 And in terms of love, Happiness is love oriented toward God, not toward the things of the world.
就信而言，信心导向理解，而不是相反。 In terms of faith, faith leads to understanding, not the other way around.
就望而言，希望在于完全依赖神和神的恩典。 In terms of hope, hope is found in a total dependence on God and God's grace.
不是依赖人性、人的自由意志，或任何这些，或人的完美。 Not in relying on humanity, human free will, or any of that, or human perfection.
然后就爱而言，幸福或福气是指向神的爱。 And then in terms of love, happiness or blessedness is love oriented toward God.
因为指向神以外任何事物的爱不会给你爱，它给你的是恐惧。 Because love oriented toward anything other than God doesn't give you love, it gives you fear.
我们失去了什么？ What have we lost?
当我说古典时，我指的是古典世界，古代世界对人性有更乐观的看法， 认为人有自由意志，我们可以朝着完美进步，而且美德本身就是目的。 When I say classical, I mean from the classical world, the ancient world, had a more optimistic view of human nature, that people have free will, that we can progress toward perfection, and that virtue is an end in itself.
对奥古斯丁来说，美德将成为达到目的的手段，而目的是爱神。 For Augustine now, virtue is going to become a means to an end, and the end being loving God.
在这一点上还有其他问题吗？ Any other questions at this point?
在奥古斯丁那里我们没有自由意志，我们只有或多或少的预定论。 We don't have free will with Augustine, we just have more or less predestination.
嗯，没错，我今晚第二个小时会更详细地讨论这个问题。 Well, right, and I'm going to go into that in more detail in the second hour tonight.
我们在讨论伯拉纠主义争议时会谈到自由意志。 We're going to talk about free will when we deal with the Pelagian controversy.
严格来说，他会谈论自由意志，或者说他会谈论人的意志 ，但他会说意志已经堕落到我们实际上只能自由地犯罪。 Technically speaking, he is going to talk about free will, or he's going to talk about the human will, but he's going to say that the will is so fallen that we're really only free to sin.
我们是自由的，我们有自由意志，意味着我们可以想做正 确的事，但我们的意志不够自由到真正能做正确的事。 We're free, we have free will in the sense that we can want to do the right thing, but our will isn't free enough to actually do the right thing.
我们知道我们想做正确的事，但我们就是做不到。 We know we want to do the right thing, but we just can't pull it off.
所以我们稍后会更多地讨论这个问题。 So we'll talk about that more later.
没有神的恩典告诉我们做正确的事。 Without the grace of God telling us to do the right thing.
没错，是的，对。 Exactly, yes, right.
我有个问题要问你。 Question for you.
奥古斯丁是否像后来的加尔文那样认为，如果你是被拣选的，你就绝不可能失去救恩？ Does Augustine go as far as Calvin does later in terms of if you are the elect, there's no way you can lose your salvation?
我认为他是这么说的。 I think he is saying that.
我认为我们在加尔文那里看到的大部分内容都在奥古斯丁那里。 And I think that most of what we see in Calvin is It is in Augustine.
这就是为什么我说在奥古斯丁后期的著作中，他有不可抗拒的恩典。 That's why I say that by the later writings of Augustine, he's got the irresistible grace.
有限的赎罪是隐含的，坚持到底也是隐含的，我认为，但是强烈暗示的。 Limited atonement is implied, and the perseverance is implied, I think, but strongly implied.
如果你是被拣选的，你会坚持到底并得救。 If you're of the elect, You will persevere and be saved.
但再次强调，这是因为神在做这件事。 But again, because God is doing it.
这是神的作为。 It's an act of God.
在这一点上还有其他问题吗？ Any other questions at this point?
好的。 Okay.
请再忍耐一下，因为现在我需要说一些关于多纳徒主义的事。 Bear with me a little longer, because now I need to say a few things about Donatism.
因为我们需要涵盖这个。 Because we need to just cover this.
我们在课程中已经到了这样一个点，我有时需要稍微回溯一下 ，给你们一些事情的背景故事，所以这就是我现在要做的。 We're getting to the point in the course where I'm going to sometimes need to backtrack a little bit to give you the backstory on things, and so that's what I'm going to do now.
我们需要讨论多纳徒主义，所以我需要稍微回溯一下。 We need to talk about Donatism, and so I need to back up a bit.
记得在大迫害之后，也就是四世纪初，对吧？ After the Great Persecution, remember beginning of the fourth century, right?
所以，303年、304年，大迫害结束于313年，对吧？ So, 303, 304, Great Persecution ends, 313, right?
好的，所以，在大迫害之后，背教的问题再次出现。 Okay, so, after the Great Persecution, The problem of the lapse emerged again.
记得我们在德修斯迫害之后，也就是3世纪中叶到50年代看到过这个问题，对吧？ Remember we saw it after Decius' persecution in the middle of the 3rd century through 50s, right?
然后如何处理那些献祭的人。 And then what to do with the people who made the sacrifices.
好的，所以这整个问题在4世纪的大迫害之后又回来了。 Okay, so that whole issue comes back again after the great persecution in the 4th century.
你还记得我们在讨论3世纪的情况时，谈到了圣事的影 响，如果你发现给你施洗的人曾经背教，你该怎么办？ And you remember when we talked about it with regard to the 3rd century, the sacramental implications So what do you do if you found out you were baptized by someone who had laughed?
洗礼还有效吗？ Is the baptism still valid?
我们经历了整个争议。 We went through that whole controversy.
现在，洗礼有效性的问题延伸到了圣职授予和主教祝圣。 Well now, the question of validity of baptism is extended to ordination and the consecration of a bishop.
尽管现在谈论这些作为圣事本身还为时尚早，我们仍将它们归入那个类别。 Even though it's a little bit early to talk about these as sacraments per se, we'll still put them in that category.
最终发生的是我们在迦太基选出了一位新主教。 What ends up happening is we have a new bishop elected in Carthage.
在311年，新主教是西西连。 In 311, the new bishop is Cicelian.
迦太基的西西连。 Cicelian of Carthage.
311年当选。那是C-A-E-C-I-L-I-A-N。抱歉字写得不好。 Elected 311. That's C-A-E-C-I-L-I-A-N. Sorry about the bad handwriting.
是311年吗？是的，311年。像罗马的主教们，如科尼利 乌和斯蒂芬，西西连代表了一种处理背教问题的中间道路。 Is that 311? Yeah, 311. Like the bishops of Rome, like Cornelius and Stephen, Cicelian represents kind of a middle way in dealing with the lapse.
他想做的是允许背教者重返教会，通过忏悔与他们和解，但不重新给他们施洗。 What he wants to do is allow the last back into the church, reconcile them with penance, but not re-baptize them.
所以这就是为什么他走的是中间道路。 So that's why he's in the middle way.
一方面不重新施洗，但另一方面，也不是简单地让他们不经忏悔就进入教会。 No re-baptism on the one hand, but on the other side, not just simply letting them in without penance.
所以通过忏悔实现和解是一种中间道路。 So reconciliation with penance is kind of the middle way there.
但在北非有一群严格主义者，他们持有我所称的北非圣事观。 But there's a group of rigorists in North Africa who held what I'm calling the North African view of the sacraments.
所以他们认为，如果你是由一个曾经背教的人施洗的，那个洗礼就是无效的。 So that they would believe that if you were baptized by someone with lapse, that baptism is not valid.
所以他们也认为，如果一位主教被祝圣，而给他祝圣的人，另一 位主教，据说曾经背教，他们就会质疑新主教祝圣的有效性。 So they also believed that if a bishop is consecrated, and someone who is consecrating him, another bishop, is said to have lapsed, they would question the validity of the consecration of the new bishop.
因为，你知道，就像坚振礼一样，祝圣是圣灵被赐予和领导权被转移的时刻，对吧？ Because, you know, like a confirmation, a consecration is a point at which the Holy Spirit is conferred and the mantle of leadership is transferred, right?
所以严格主义者说，不仅洗礼，圣职授予也只有在执行的神职人员配得上的情况下才有效。 So the rigorous said that not only baptism but also ordination is valid only if the clergy doing it is worthy.
他们称背教者为受感染的，认为自己是真正的教 会，形成了一种分裂，并开始给人们重新施洗。 And they called the lapsed infected and considered themselves the true church and formed a kind of a schism and started re-baptizing people.
为了诋毁西西连，他们声称给他祝圣的一位主教 ，一个叫费利克斯的人，他们声称他曾是叛徒。 And, to discredit Citeleon, they claimed that a bishop who had consecrated him, a guy named Felix, they claimed he had been a traitor.
还记得叛徒是什么吗？ Remember what a traitor is?
交出圣经让人焚烧的人，或者在这种情况下，指认他人的人。 Someone who hands over scriptures to be burned, or in this case, someone who names names.
好吧，我没有任何圣经，但我可以告诉你谁是读经员。 Well, I don't have any scriptures, but I'll tell you who the lectors are.
你可以去他们家。 You can go to their house.
你知道，他们在家里保存圣经。 They keep the scriptures at their house, you know.
现在，事实证明，这个指控并不是真的。 Now, as it turns out, the charge wasn't true.
但是，一开始，严格主义者实际上伪造了一些文 件，试图创造证据来证明费利克斯曾是叛徒。 But, at the beginning, the Rigorists actually forged some documents to try and create evidence to prove that Felix had been a traitor.
所以，他们以给西西连祝圣的人费利克斯是叛徒这 个指控为基础，拒绝承认西西连为迦太基主教。 And so, they rejected Cicelian as Bishop of Carthage on the basis of this accusation that the guy who had consecrated him, Felix, was a traitor.
所以他们祝圣了自己的领袖为主教。 And so they consecrated their own leader as bishop.
这就是康斯坦丁在312年成为西方皇帝时的情况。他成为了西方的皇帝。 And so this is the situation when Constantine became the Emperor of the West in 312. He becomes Emperor of the West.
现在他甚至还不是整个帝国的皇帝。 Now he's not even Emperor of the whole Empire yet.
他是西方的皇帝。 He's Emperor of the West.
他面临着西方教会可能出现的分裂。 And he faces a possible schism in the Western Church.
他做的第一件事就是写信给罗马主教。 The first thing he did was he wrote to the Bishop of Rome.
罗马主教，一个叫米尔提亚德的人，如果你在记分的话。 The bishop of Rome, a guy named Miltiades, if you're keeping score.
所以他写信给罗马主教说，你能解决这个问题吗？ And so he writes to the bishop of Rome and he says, will you please fix this?
并要求米尔提亚德召集西西连及其支持者，以及严格派 、指控者及其支持者，参加在罗马举行的主教会议。 And asked Miltiades to summon Kycerion and his supporters and the rigorous faction, the accusers and their supporters, to a synod in Rome.
因此，313年在罗马举行了一次主教会议。它在拉特兰宫举行。 And so there was a synod held in Rome in 313. It was held in the Lateran Palace.
如果你去过罗马，拉特兰宫现在是罗马大教堂，圣若望拉特兰大殿。 If you've been to Rome, the Lateran Palace is now at the Cathedral of Rome, St. John Lateran.
现在圣阶就在那里。 It's where the Holy Stairs are now.
所以这就是早期主教会议举行的地方。 And so this is where this early synod was held.
康斯坦丁命令双方...实际上，有一个由一群意大利主 教组成的类似陪审团的机构，但米尔提亚德主持了会议。 And the Edward Constantine ordered both sides Now, in reality, there was a kind of jury made up of a group of Italian bishops, but Miltiades presided over the council.
所以，再次注意康斯坦丁在这里做的事，他让罗马主教成为主教之 间这件事的裁判，或者说，在这场关于主教席位的争议中的裁判。 So, again, notice what Constantine has done here is he's made the bishop of Rome the judge in this matter between bishops, or, you know, in this dispute over a bishop's seat.
所以，这又是一个...现在，大约在这个时候，严格派 祝圣为主教的那个人死了，所以他们不得不选一个新的。 And so, this is, again, another Now, about this time, the guy that the Rigorists had consecrated as their bishop died, so they had to pick a new one.
他被一个叫多纳图的人取代了。 And he was replaced by a man named Donatus.
你可以看到这就是为什么他们被称为多纳徒派，因为从此以后他们的领袖是多纳图。 And you can see this is why they're called Donatists, because their leader from here on was Donatus.
他是爱尔兰人，名字叫邓肯。 He was Irish, and his first name was Duncan.
那不是真的。 That's not true.
不要写那个。 Don't write that.
但他们在罗马主教的权威下会面，实际上，西西连才是这里受审的人，但他被宣告无罪。 But they met under the authority of the Bishop of Rome, and really, Caelius is the one on trial here, but he was cleared.
多纳图和他的追随者因重新施洗和制造分裂而被谴责。 Donatus and his followers were condemned for re-baptizing and for creating a schism.
注意，现在康斯坦丁是西方的皇帝，所以教会有了皇帝 的支持，重新施洗现在不仅是异端，而且是非法的。 And notice that now that Constantine is the emperor in the West, so the church has the backing of the emperor, rebaptism is now not only a heresy, but it's illegal.
所以法律的力量支持教会的决定。 So force of law supports the decisions of the church.
所以重新施洗是非法的。 So rebaptism is illegal.
但实际上，值得称赞的是，米尔提亚德并没有自动说所有多纳徒派主教都必须被废黜。 But actually, to his credit, Miltiades did not automatically say that all Donatist bishops must be deposed.
他有一个计划，允许他们继续担任主教。 He had a plan that would allow for them to remain as bishops.
如果一个城市有两位主教，一位公教会的和一位多纳徒派的，那么资历将决 定谁成为那个城市的主教，年轻的那位可以在另一个城镇获得一个席位。 If there were two bishops in one city, one Catholic and one Donatist, then seniority would decide which one became the bishop of that city, and the younger one could be given a seat in another town.
但多纳徒派对此不满意，他们现在指责米尔提亚德也是叛徒，并接受贿赂。 But the Donatists were not happy with this, and they now accused Miltiades of also being a traitor and of taking bribes.
但在这之后，康斯坦丁只与西西连通信，视他为迦太基的合法主教。 After this point, though, Constantine only corresponded with Cicelian as the legitimate bishop of Carthage.
这样做的结果是...我们在讨论康斯坦丁的背景下之前谈过这个。 And so what that does is We've talked about this before in the context when we were talking about Constantine.
这表明康斯坦丁作为皇帝已经选择了公教会作为北非的官方教会，而不是多纳徒派。 What it does is it shows that Constantine as emperor has made his choice for the Catholics as the official church in North Africa over against the Donatists.
康斯坦丁把重建在迫害中被毁坏的教堂的资金给了西西连。 And it was to Caecilian that Constantine gave the money to rebuild the churches that were destroyed in the persecution.
现在，多纳徒派向康斯坦丁抱怨，但如果你记得亚略 主义争议中的任何事情，你就知道这只会让他生气。 Now, the Donatists complained to Constantine, but if you remember anything from the Arian controversy, you know that only makes him mad.
向康斯坦丁抱怨对你的事业没有帮助，所以康斯坦丁只是对多纳徒派生气。 Complaining to Constantine does not help your cause, and so Constantine just got mad at the Donatists.
他认为他们应该简单地接受主教会议的决定，但他们抱怨是因为会议上的法 庭，在罗马的主教会议上全是意大利主教，他们觉得自己代表性不足，这是 不公平的，所以康斯坦丁决定再召开一次会议，一劳永逸地解决这个问题。 He believes they should simply accept the decision of the bishops of the council, But they complained because the court at the council, at the synod in Rome was made up of all Italian bishops and they felt that they were underrepresented and it was unfair and so Constantine decided that he would have another council that would settle the issue once and for all.
与此同时，他们发现针对费利克斯的证据是伪造的，所以被证明是虚假的。 In the meantime, They found that the evidence against Felix was forged, and so that was proven to be false.
所以费利克斯被洗清了。 So Felix is cleared.
他不是叛徒。 He was not a traitor.
但所有这些都导致了314年的阿尔勒会议。我之 前提到过这个会议是第一个由皇帝出席的会议。 But all of this led to the Council of Arles in 314. And I've mentioned this council before as the first council attended by an emperor.
所以康斯坦丁本人在314年召集了阿尔勒会议，可以说这也是第 一个由皇帝召集的会议。但请记住，这仍然不是一个大公会议。 So Constantine himself convened the Council of Arles, arguably the first council convened by an emperor as well, in 314. But remember, this is still not an ecumenical council.
这是在尼西亚会议之前，因为记住，我在这里给你讲背景故事。 This is before the Council of Nicaea, because remember, I'm giving you the backstory here.
康斯坦丁只是西方的皇帝。 Constantine is only the emperor of the West.
所以虽然这被认为是西方的一种总会议，但它只对西方有权威。 And so while this is considered a kind of general council of the West, it's only authoritative over the West.
所以只有西方的主教参加。 So only Western bishops attended.
罗马主教本人没有出席，但由一些神父代表。 The bishop of Rome was not there personally, but was represented by some priests.
康斯坦丁为阿尔勒会议给予主教们免费使用公共交通系统的权力。 And it was for the Council of Arles that Constantine gave the bishops the authority to use the public transportation system for free.
我可能已经提到过这一点，但会议当然谴责了重洗，并确认了罗马对洗礼的看法，即 只有以圣父、圣子和圣灵的名义施行的洗礼才是有效的，这就是使它有效的原因。 I may have mentioned this already, but the Council, of course, condemned rebaptism and affirmed the Roman view of baptism, that only baptism in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit is valid, and that is what makes it valid.
但因为多纳徒派不仅指责费利克斯，还指责米尔提亚德是叛徒，而事 实并非如此，阿尔勒会议还制定了一些关于叛徒定义的规则，因为如 果你想摆脱某人，指责他们是叛徒成为了一个非常方便的指控。 But because the Donatists had accused not only Felix, but Miltiades of being traitors when they were not, The Council of Arles also created some rules around what it means to be a traitor because it became a very convenient accusation if you wanted to get rid of somebody to accuse them of being a traitor.
所以会议在狭义上定义了什么是叛徒。 And so the Council defined what a traitor was in a narrow sense.
成为叛徒意味着交出圣经或圣餐器皿，但如果你交出其他东西，比如祭衣，或者你 知道，我是说有人交出鞋子和其他奇怪的东西，其他器具之类的故事，那不算数。 That being a traitor means surrendering the Scriptures or Eucharistic vessels But if you surrendered other things like vestments or, you know, I mean there are stories of people surrendering shoes and other kinds of bizarre stuff, other utensils, things like that, that doesn't count.
这一切对多纳徒派来说都是一个失败，因为他们想要 最广泛的定义，因为他们想能够指责人们是叛徒。 And all of this was a defeat for the Donatists because they wanted the broadest definition possible because they wanted to be able to accuse people of traitors.
事实上，会议规定，falsely指控某人是叛徒将导致终身逐出教会。 And in fact the council decreed that falsely accusing someone of being a traitor would lead to excommunication for life.
所以，注意会议在这里说的基本上是我们在3世纪迫害之后得 出的同样结论，即你真正能犯的最严重的罪就是分裂教会。 And so, notice what the Council is saying here is basically the same conclusion that we came to after the persecutions in the 3rd century, that the worst sin you can really commit is to split the church.
分裂比背教更糟糕。 That schism is worse than apostasy.
所以即使这些人是叛徒，为此分裂教会更糟糕。 So even if these guys were traitors, To split the church over it is even worse.
重点是，如果你要指控某人是叛徒，你需要提供公 开记录来证明，因为会有某人被审讯的公开记录。 And the point, and also that if you're going to accuse somebody of being a traitor, you need to produce public records that prove it because there would be public records of someone having been interrogated.
但重点是，即使某人是叛徒，如果他们授予他人圣职，那个 授予不一定无效，因为执行圣事的是神，而不是主持人。 But the point is that even if someone was a traitor, If they ordained someone else, that ordination is not necessarily invalid because it's God who does the sacrament, not the presider.
就像我们在洗礼中看到的那样，罗马对圣事的看 法是主持人的信仰并不重要，不会使圣事无效。 Just as we saw with baptism, the Roman view of the sacraments is that the faith of the presider doesn't matter, doesn't invalidate the sacrament.
使圣事有效的是它被正确地执行。 What makes the sacrament valid is that it is simply done correctly.
有一个拉丁语短语描述这个。 There's a Latin phrase for this.
圣事是有效的。 The sacrament works.
让我再次检查一下拼写。 Let me double check my spelling.
Ex opere operato。 Ex opere operato.
它有效是因为它已经生效了。 It works because it's worked.
它有效是因为它已经完成了。 It works because it's done.
仅仅因为这个行为被执行了，不管是谁执行的，圣事就是有效的。 By the very fact of the action being performed, regardless of who does it, a sacrament is valid.
所以圣事是有效的，因为它已经完成了，因为神是信实的，而不是因为主持人是否信实。 So the sacrament is valid because it's done and because God is faithful, not because the presider is or is not faithful.
所以之前应用于洗礼的原则现在适用于圣职授予。 So the principle that was previously applied to baptism now applies to ordination.
是神在授予圣职。 It is God who ordains.
阿尔勒会议的其他几件事，很快地说一下，因为它们很有趣。 A couple other things from the Council of Arles, real quickly, just because they're interesting.
任何主教都不能接纳被另一位主教逐出教会的人。 No bishop can welcome someone excommunicated by another bishop.
我们以前见过这种情况。 We've seen this before.
主教们必须执行彼此的逐出教会决定。 Bishops have to enforce each other's excommunications.
此外，阿尔勒会议还规定基督徒不能免除兵役。 And also, the Council of Arles mandated that Christians were not exempt from military service.
现在想想这个。 Now think about this.
我们有像特土良这样的基督徒说信徒不应该参军。 We have Christians like Tertullian saying that believers should not be in the military.
但现在情况不同了，因为我们有一位基督徒皇帝，他可能会使基督教成为受青睐的宗教，最 终基督教将成为唯一的合法宗教，这意味着如果他们是公民，每个人都被期望成为基督徒。 But now the situation is different because we have a Christian emperor who will presumably make Christianity the favored religion and eventually Christianity will become the only legal religion Which means everybody's expected to be a Christian if they're a citizen.
这意味着如果没有基督徒服役，你就没有军队了，对吧？ Which means if you don't have Christians serving the military, you've got no more military, right?
我的意思是，康斯坦丁可以预见到这一点，在314年的这个时候，说「等一下 ，让我们不要开始认为仅仅因为你是信徒，你就可以免除兵役」变得很重要。 I mean, so Constantine can see this coming, and at this point already, in 314, it becomes important to say, well, wait a minute, let's not start thinking that just because you're a believer, you're exempt from military service.
因为，再说一次，如果真的那样的话，他们就没有军团了。 Because, again, they would have no legions if it went that way.
好的，那是314年。第二年，315年，多纳徒派在北非发生骚乱， 康斯坦丁再次命令双方在他面前出现，这实际上并没有解决任何问题。 Alright, so that's 314. The next year, in 315, the Donatists rioted in North Africa, and Constantine again ordered both groups to appear before him, which really didn't accomplish anything.
所以在接下来的一年，316年，康斯坦丁下令没收所有多纳徒派的教堂。 So in the following year, 316, Constantine ordered all Donatist churches confiscated.
如果多纳徒派试图向公教会信徒传教，他们可能会被逮捕。 And Donatists could be arrested if they attempted to evangelize Catholics.
出现了更多的起义。 There were more uprisings.
一些多纳徒派被愤怒的暴民杀害。 A few Donatists were killed by an angry mob.
所以我们在这里看到的是皇帝对多纳徒派的迫害。 And so what we have here is persecution at the hands of the Emperor against the Donatists.
但康斯坦丁对此感到不安，你可以想象，因为帝国迫害所有基 督徒的时间还不长，现在他却以教会的名义迫害多纳徒派。 But Constantine became uncomfortable with that, as you can maybe imagine, because it hadn't been very long since the Empire was persecuting all Christians, now here he is persecuting the Donatists in the name of the Church.
所以到了321年左右，他放松了迫害，多纳徒派自己也参与 到迦太基的城市政治中，并能够保留他们在迦太基的大教堂。 So by 321 or so, he backed off on the persecution, and the Donatists themselves got involved in the city politics of Carthage, and were able to retain their cathedral in Carthage.
到了康斯坦丁基本上不得不退让的地步，他基本上不得不说，好吧， 你们多纳徒派，你们保留这座大教堂，我会出钱让公教会建另一座。 To the point where Constantine basically had to back off and he basically had to say, alright, you donatist, you keep the cathedral, I'll pay for the Catholics to build another one.
所以最后就变成这样了。 So that's what it came down to.
我们差不多准备在这里休息一下，但让我指出一些事情。 We're almost ready to take a break here, but let me just point out some things.
注意3世纪迫害后的诺瓦提安派和大迫害后的多纳徒派之间的区别。 Notice the difference between the Novationists after the persecution of the 3rd century and the Donatists after the Great Persecution.
诺瓦提安派很严格。 The Novationists were rigorous.
他们是分裂主义者。 They were schismatic.
他们重新施洗。 They re-baptized.
但因为他们能够派代表参加尼西亚会议并签署信经，他们被接 受为正统，或作为基督教的有效表达，尽管不被视为公教会。 But because they were able to send a delegate to the Council of Nicaea and sign the creed, They were accepted as Orthodox, or as a valid expression of Christianity, even though not considered Catholic.
如果他们回到教会，他们的神职人员可以保留其地位。 Their clergy could retain their status if they came back to the church.
他们被允许保留财产直到5世纪，那时他们将在西方受到迫害。 They were allowed to keep their property until the 5th century, when they will be persecuted in the West.
但多纳徒主义似乎与圣事神学有更多联系，这使他们在其他一切之上成为异端。 But Donatism seemed to have more of a connection to a sacramental theology, and that made them heretics on top of everything else.
所以他们没有像诺瓦提安派那样被容忍。 And so they were not tolerated in the way that the Novatians work.
所以当奥古斯丁在北非的希波成为主教时，多纳徒派将成为他的眼中钉。 And so by the time Augustine becomes bishop in Hippo, in North Africa, the Donatists are going to be a thorn in his side.
因为现在每个城市都有两个独立的基督徒群体。 Because now you have two separate groups of Christians in each city.
所以对奥古斯丁来说，多纳徒派是街上的严格派，他们是清教徒，是反偶像崇拜 者，但另一方面他们举办最好的聚会，因为他们为殉道者节日举行盛大的庆祝活 动，据说多纳徒派的圣歌唱得如此之响，以至于奥古斯丁的会众听不到他讲道。 And so to Augustine, the Donatists were the rigorous, down the street, They were Puritans, they were iconoclasts, but on the other hand they threw the best parties, because they had big fiestas for the Feasts of the Martyrs, and were told that the Donatist hymn singing was so loud that Augustine's congregation could not hear him preaching.
他们也变得暴力，在4世纪开始发动骚乱，奥古斯丁试图与他们和解，但问题在于。 They would also become violent, starting riots in the 4th century, Augustine tried reconciliation with them, but here's the problem.
希波的多纳徒派是多数，而公教会信徒是少数。 The Donatists in Hippo were the majority, and the Catholics were the minority.
所以想象一下奥古斯丁去找多纳徒派说，你知道，如果你们愿意再次加入我们， 我们很乐意让你们加入我们并和解，他们可能会当面嘲笑他，因为他们是多数。 So imagine Augustine going to the Donatists saying, you know, we'd love to just have you guys join us and reconcile if you will only join us again, and they probably laughed in his face because they were the majority.
在412年，西方皇帝，一个名叫霍诺里乌斯的人，发 布了反对多纳徒主义的法令，重新开始迫害多纳徒派。 In year 412, The Emperor of the West, a guy named Honorius, issued an edict against Donatism, bringing back the persecution against the Donatists.
多纳徒派神职人员将被流放，他们的财产将被没收，成为多纳徒 派教会成员将被罚款，罚款根据你在社会中的地位按等级计算。 Donatist clergy were to be exiled, their property was to be confiscated, there were fines for being members of a Donatist church, fines on a graded scale depending on your standing in society.
所以迫害确实回来了，但多纳徒派并没有消失。 And so the persecution does come back, but the don'ts just don't go away.
现在显然奥古斯丁采取了罗马对圣事的看法，而不是北非的观点。 Now obviously Augustine took the Roman view of the sacraments over against the North African view.
所以我们有这两种不同的教会学。 So we have these two different ecclesiologies.
对奥古斯丁来说，只有接受者的信仰重要，而不是主持人的信仰。 For Augustine, only the faith of the recipient matters, not the faith of the presider.
所以只要圣事做得正确，它就是有效的。 and so that the sacrament is done as long as it's done right.
但这对每个群体所持有的教会学，即教会理论，有更大的影响。 But that has even bigger implications for the ecclesiology, the theory of the church, that each group held.
因为多纳徒派作为严格派，采用的是排他性的教会学。 Because the donatists, as rigorous, are working with an exclusivist ecclesiology.
他们采用的教会学认为他们是真正的教会，甚至可能是完美的教会。 They're working with an ecclesiology that says they are the true church, Maybe even the perfected church.
而其他任何人都是受感染的。 And anyone else is infected.
他们不想让那些其他人进来，因为他们认为不纯洁的可能会玷污纯洁的。 And they don't want to allow those others in because they believe the impure might taint the pure.
所以多纳徒派有一种教会学，认为我们要通过排斥所有不纯洁的人来维持纯洁。 And so the Donatists have an ecclesiology that says we're going to maintain purity by keeping out all those who are impure.
奥古斯丁有不同的教会学，奥古斯丁的教会学也代表了罗马的观点。 Augustine has a different ecclesiology, and Augustine has the ecclesiology that's represented in Rome as well.
奥古斯丁的教会学认为，维护统一比维护纯洁更重要。 Augustine has an ecclesiology that says it's more important to maintain unity than purity.
或者，如果要说的话，我们会说教会是纯洁的，但我 们想包容所有人，希望这种纯洁能净化不纯洁的。 Or, if anything, we'll say that the Church is pure, but then we want to include everyone in the hopes that the purity will purify the impure.
看到区别了吗？ See the difference?
什么更强大，纯洁还是不纯洁？ What's stronger, purity or impurity?
如果纯洁更强大，那么你希望纯洁能净化不纯洁的。 If purity is stronger, then you hope purity will purify the impure.
如果不纯洁更强大，那么你担心不纯洁会玷污纯洁的。 If impurity is stronger, then you fear that impurity will taint the pure.
所以奥古斯丁有一个包容性的教会学，基于麦子和稗子的比喻。 So Augustine has an inclusive ecclesiology based on The parable of the wheat and the weeds.
还记得麦子和稗子的比喻吗？ Remember the parable of the wheat and the weeds?
「主人，有人在你的麦子里撒了稗子。」 Master, someone has sown weeds among your wheat.
「我们要去拔掉它吗？」 Shall we weed it?
「我们要把它们拔出来吗？」 Shall we pluck them out?
主人怎么说？ What does the Master say?
「不！不要现在拔掉稗子，因为你们可能会连好麦子也拔出来。」 No! Don't pull out the weeds yet, because you might pull out some of the good wheat.
你可能无法分辨出区别。 You might not be able to tell the difference.
这就是奥古斯丁对教会的形象。 This was Augustine's image for the church.
你无法分辨出区别。 You can't tell the difference.
你不能看着一个人就决定，他们是麦子还是稗子？ You can't look at a person and decide, are they wheat or weeds?
只有神知道。 Only God knows that.
而且连神现在都还没有开始除草。 And not even God is doing the weeding yet.
现在，奥古斯丁很清楚他的教会里有一些人，他称之为「假信徒」。 Now, Augustine knew full well that there were people in his church who were, as he called them, the fakes.
所以不仅在其他教会里有多纳徒派，在你自己的教会里也有假信徒。 So not only do you have the Donatists in the other church, but you have the fakes in your own church.
因为记住，一旦帝国完全基督教化，如果你想成为一个向上 流动的公民，那么受洗成为基督徒就是令人向往的，对吧？ Because remember, once the empire goes fully Christian, then it's Desirable to get baptized and be a Christian if you want to be an upwardly mobile citizen, right?
所以奥古斯丁很清楚他的教会里有些人成为基督徒只是为了社交目的。 So Augustine knows full well there are people in his church who are Christian only for the social purpose.
他称他们为假信徒。 He calls them the fakes.
但基督的身体必须是一个混合的身体，就像麦子和稗子。 But the body of Christ must be a mixed body, like the wheat and the weeds.
如果人不可能完美，教会也不可能完美。 And if it's impossible for humans to be perfect, It's also impossible for the church to be perfect.
所以教会就像诺亚方舟。 And so the church is going to be like Noah's Ark.
它里面会有洁净的动物和不洁净的动物。 It's going to have the clean animals and the unclean animals in it.
而且不是我们来分类。 And it's not up to us to sort them out.
将它们分类的是神的拣选，神的预定。 What will sort them out is God's election, God's predestination.
所以再次强调，一切都依靠神。 And so again, everything relies on God.
他把所有的责任都推给了神，神的恩典，和神的拣选。 He pushes all the responsibility for this on God, and God's grace, and God's election.
好，我们将在第二个小时讨论伯拉纠主义争议时更详细地探讨这个 问题，但我只想告诉你，在429年，希波城被汪达尔人围攻，这 是另一个蛮族部落，他们包围了这座城市，切断了它的供给。 Well, we're going to go into this in more detail in our second hour when we talk about the Pelagian Controversy, but I'll just tell you that in the year 429, the city of Hippo was besieged by Vandals, another barbarian tribe, who laid siege to the city, surrounded it, and cut off its supplies.
没有清洁的水导致了疟疾，奥古斯丁本人在430 年死于疟疾。但希波的多纳徒派比他活得更久。 No clean water leads to malaria, and Augustine himself died of malaria in 430. But the Donatists in Hippo outlived him.
事实上，多纳徒派和公教会在北非并存，直到7世纪阿 拉伯人入侵，所有形式的基督教基本上都被驱逐出去。 In fact, the Donatists and the Catholics existed side by side in North Africa until the invasions of the Arabs in the 7th century when all forms of Christianity were pretty much driven out.
好的，关于奥古斯丁或多纳徒派有什么问题吗？ Okay, so any questions on Augustine or the Donatists?
是的，有问题吗？ Yes, question?
你知道，我们对人性很悲观，但你却对教会抱有很高的希望，你知道，神，你知道， 会治愈你，会消除那些，你知道，我猜，不属于神的人的不纯洁，我猜，或者... You know, we're very pessimistic about the human nature, but yet you had a high hope that the church, you know, God, you know, would cure you, would erase the impurity of those who were, you know, I guess, not of God, I guess, or...
是的，嗯，我不知道我是否会说他希望那些不在选民之列的人通过在教会中而变得纯洁。 Yeah, well, I don't know if I would go so far as to say that he hoped that someone who was not among the elect would become purified by being in the church.
我的意思是，他可能把这作为一种可能性。 I mean, he might have held out that as a possibility.
但实际上，更像是你不把任何人赶出去，因为你不知道谁是选民。 But in reality, it's more like you don't kick anybody out because you don't know who the elect are.
你可能会把一个选民赶出去，而你却不知道。 You might be kicking out someone who's elect and you don't know it.
所以真正决定一个人得救的是神的拣选，或者我们称之为预定。 And so really what's going to determine A person's salvation is God's election, or what we would call predestination.
所以最终，我们不试图剔除那些不是选民的人， 因为如果我们这样做，我们就会僭越神的特权。 So ultimately, we don't try to weed out the people who aren't the elect because we would be usurping God's prerogative if we did that.
那是神的责任，不是我们的。 That's God's responsibility, not ours.
所以这就是他真正要说的，由神来做出那个决定。 So that's really what he's saying, that it's up to God to make that call.
还有其他问题吗？ Any other questions?
好的，很好。 Alright, good.
好，我们休息一下吧。 Well, let's take a break.